Murray Weidenbaum is a prominent figure in business and government.
He served as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury from 1969 to 1971, and
in 1981-82 as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers. His research
and teaching interests are government regulation of business, public
finance, and economic policy. Weidenbaum is an honorary fellow of the
Society of Technical Communication and a fellow of the National
Association of Business Economics. His book, Small Wars, Big Defense, was selected by the Association of American Publishers as the outstanding economics book of 1992. His Bamboo Network was a finalist for global business book of the year in 1996. His book, One-Armed Economist: The Intersection of Business and Government was published in 2004. In 2008, The Competition of Ideas: The World of Washington Think Tanks,
was published by Transaction Press. He founded the Center for the
Study of American Business at Washington University and directed the
Center for many years. The center was renamed in his honor in 2001 to
the Murray Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Government, and Public
Policy. Professor Weidenbaum teaches a popular course on business and
government.
It takes a hard heart or an economist (some might say that I
am repeating myself) to question the notion of clean energy. After all, who wants to advocate dirty
energy? As an economist who breathes the
same air and drinks the same water as other people, I do not quarrel with the
goal of clean energy. Rather, I take
issue with the specific ways in which public policy is trying to achieve that
worthy objective.
My
fundamental concern is that most of the public investment in clean energy is
going to subsidize projects using old (i.e., existing) technology. That means that, if or when government tires
of providing handouts to a lucky few recipients, those projects are likely to
be abandoned or curtailed sharply. Those
subsidies are neither modest nor merely marginal. They are the result of what can be called
traditional political lobbying and log-rolling, or in these cases, “dirty
politics.” Little if any of the
government’s generous support is likely to result in long-term improvements in
the environment.
For
example, of the estimated total capital outlays of $1.6 billion for the
California Valley Solar Ranch, approximately $1.4 billion is in the form of
federal grants, tax abatements and benefits, and payments of above-market
prices for the energy that is supplied.
That is no exception. The New York Times reported that similar
subsidy packages have been given to 15 other solar and wind power electric
plants since 2009. The Times quoted one senior business executive participating in the
program, “I have never seen anything that I have had to do in my 20 years in
the power industry that involved less risk than these projects.”
A study by
the University of California at San Diego reports that nearly seven-eighths of
all clean-energy investment worldwide now goes to deploying existing technology,
most of which are not competitive without the help of government subsidies.
As for the
promise of all those green jobs, I worry about the unemployed students who took
on large indebtedness to develop green job skills that were supposedly highly
marketable. Apparently, nobody reminded
them that energy is one of the most capital-intensive sectors of a modern
economy, with a relatively modest component of labor. Apparently, the problem is not limited to the
United States.
For
example, China has been criticized because many of its renewable-energy
projects reflect the desire of local governments to generate employment rather
than to produce commercially viable sources of energy. It has been estimated that one-half of that
nation’s wind farms are idle because of a lack of connection to an electricity
grid.
Regardless
of national borders, there is a natural tendency for government officials to
write reports that please their supervisors.
For example, the U.S. Department of Labor reports that it includes bus
drivers generally as “green” workers.
The tenuous rationale is that buses generate less pollution than the
variety of passenger automobile usage that they replace. Then again, I can recall the times when people
called economists “green eyeshade types.”
Apparently, we should have taken that as a compliment.
Is there a
positive, more sensible approach to promoting clean energy? Actually, there is considerable experience to
back that up. In the broad sweep of American
history, the shift from one energy source to another was not the result of costly
interventionist public policy. Rather, the
key factor was price competition in the marketplace. That is how Americans shifted successively
from wood to whale oil to kerosene to coal to electricity for household heating
and lighting.
Back then, subsidies were not
provided to new energy sources, nor was there a “Save the Whales” movement
(whales never became extinct). Neither
was there a conserve forests program. When
the price of the new alternative energy source became cheaper (and often the
new energy source became more desirable), consumers voluntarily switched. In retrospect, a federal subsidy program back
then likely would have ignored Thomas Edison.
Some federal agency might have given a grant to a candle maker to
develop an improved wick.
Moving to a more sensible clean
energy policy does not mean a “do nothing” approach. For starters, Congress should shift some of
the subsidy money from the politics-prone Department of Energy to the National
Science Foundation. The idea is to
expand the research-and-development base from which private sector innovators
could generate more cost-effective and hence more competitive clean energy
sources.
It would also help to do some
serious regulatory reform of the labyrinth of agencies, permits, and
restrictions now imposed on every new energy project — traditional or
innovative — by a variety of federal, state, and local government reviewers and
officials. Yes, that would be truly
promoting clean energy by cleaning house!
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